#RepealThe8th – what you can do to help

I’ve written about abortion before, some of those blog posts were me trying to work out where I stood on the issue. To an extent I could understand where both sides were coming from, but the more I learned about the consequences of the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution the more actively pro-choice I became. I’m a card carrying member of the Abortion Rights Campaign and founding member and chair of Kerry for Choice.

If you care about repealing the Eighth Amendment here are some ways you can get more involved with the campaign. There is still work to do before we see a referendum, but that work has already started. Be part of it.

Get involved with your local pro-choice group

The Abortion Rights Campaign is an all Ireland voluntary run organisation which advocates for a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment and for the introduction of free, safe and legal abortions as well as the introduction of extensive abortion legislation in Northern Ireland. There are dozens of regional groups with new ones being set up all the time. If there isn’t a pro-choice group in your area consider setting one up. The Abortion Rights Campaign is always on hand to help in any way they can as are other regional groups.

Not sure how you’ll be able to help? Contact your local group and ask if they need a hand with anything specific. Attending meetings isn’t for everyone, but maybe you could help out with running social media accounts or stalls. Or maybe you have media/PR skills that would be useful.

Contact your TDs

Politicians have said they are more likely to hear from anti-choice constituents than pro-choice constituents. You can help change that. Emailing them is good. Sending them a letter is better. If you can, attend a constituency clinic and speak to them in person.

Ruth Coppinger, TD has put forward a Private Member’s Bill calling for a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment. It is expected to be debated in October. Get in touch with your TDs and let them know you support the Bill and hope that they will vote in favour of it. Jason O’Mahony has written an article about lobbying your TD, which is worth reading. This Abortion Rights Campaign General Election Pack is also a great resource about talking to politicians

Write to newspapers

Letters to the editor have a part to play in the campaign. You can be certain that anti-choice people won’t hesitate about making their views heard. Make sure pro-choice voices are heard as well. While national newspapers are great, local and regional newspapers often play a larger part when it comes to abortion. Keep an eye on your local paper and consider responding to the inaccuracies of anti-choice letters. Even better write a standalone pro-choice letter.

Start conversations

This can sometimes be a tricky one because you might not want to rock the boat too much with people you know. But if you can, those conversations are important. If someone is unsure where they stand or has questions, you could offer to point them in the direction of resources that will help answer them. If they’re in favour of repeal, suggest ways they can actively help to achieve it.

Wear #RepealThe8th merchandise

There are plenty of ways you can show your support by wearing pro-repeal and pro-choice items. What’s not to love; you get some cool merchandise and much needed funds go to pro-repeal/pro-choice groups. They also serve as a good conversation starter, which helps with the point above.

The Abortion Rights Campaign has an online shop, where you can buy T-shirts, badges and tote bags. The Coalition to Repeal the Eighth Amendment has badges. The Artists Campaign to Repeal the Eighth is selling badges and art work. ROSA has badges that are usually available at their stalls for a small donation. The Repeal Project jumpers aren’t selling like hotcakes for nothing. 20% of the proceeds of these Repeal necklaces from Love & Robots goes to the Abortion Rights Campaign.

Donate to Abortion Support Network

Abortion Support Network is a volunteer organisation that provides funding and accommodation for women travelling from Ireland (including Northern Ireland) to the UK to access abortion care. You can make a much needed donation here.

The Orlando shooting and listening to LGBTQ+ people

I’ve been trying to find the right words since I heard about the shooting in Pulse, a gay bar in Orlando, but all I have are tears, anger and the ability to retweet people who are far more articulate than me.

That this happened in a gay bar, a safe haven for so many LGBTQ+ people is heartbreaking beyond belief. That it happened on Latin night means LGBTQ+ people of colour were affected even more, you only have to look at the names of those murdered to realise this.

Some will say this was a homophobic attack. Some will say this was an act of terrorism. It was both. It was an act of homophobic terrorism. A mass shooting in a gay bar during Pride month couldn’t be anything less.

Do not try to tell me that homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are harmless. Queerphobia is never harmless. It builds and it builds and this is the result. 50 people are dead and at least 53 people were injured. This was a devastating act of homophobic terrorism.

This is why Pride is still important. This is why we still march. There are people who despise LGBTQ+ people so much that they will kill them. So often, queer people are told “we don’t mind what you do as long it’s behind closed doors” the gunman walked through those doors and opened fire. LGBTQ+ people no longer have a sanctuary. This was an attack on the entire LGBTQ+ community.

Sadness, fear, anger and frustration – I’ve felt it all in the last 24 hours and I live an ocean away from where it happened. It’s all valid. You don’t get to police how queer people react to this. We don’t have to act in a way that seems appropriate to you. This was an act of homophobic terrorism. You don’t get to ignore the homophobic element simply because the terrorism and Islamic element best fits your own agenda. You do not get to write queer people and particularly LGBTQ+ people of colour out of an attack that was against them. You do not get to control the narrative. You do not get to rewrite history. This was an act of homophobic terrorism. You will let queer people speak.

To conservative politicians offering thoughts and prayers for the victims, while standing over anti-LGBTQ+ legislation particularly the recent spate of anti-trans bathroom bills; we see you. Your agendas are showing. We see you and we won’t forget.

12 Thought-Provoking Articles From 2015

I love discovering new writers, re-visiting old favourites and I’m grateful to authors, bloggers, columnists, journalists and writers for putting pen to paper, so to speak, and sharing their work with the world.

To mark the new year I’m sharing 12 thought-provoking articles from 2015. These articles have all resonated with me in some way and I find myself returning to them frequently. They’ve helped me understand the world a little better. They’ve challenged my views on certain issues. They’ve helped me come to terms with things in my own life. They’ve reminded me of the importance of words and the power of telling our stories.

A Meditation on Pain

This is not about headaches. This is about tolerance. This is about pain and how it has the ability to crumple us. – A Mediation on Pain

This is one of the best articles I’ve ever read about living with chronic pain.

Hysteria and Teenage Girls

Hysteria has always been a women’s issue. The concept goes back about 4,000 years. In Ancient Egypt, hysterical disorders were said to be caused by “spontaneous uterus movement within the female body;” hysterical women who were diagnosed with a uterus too far “up” inside the body were treated with sour and bitter odors near her mouth and nose. If the uterus was too far down, then the putrid odors were placed near her vagina. – Hysteria and Teenage Girls

An excellent article about teenage fandom and the history of hysteria.

A word after a word is power

My friends are shocked, they are worried. They talk in whispers and they look at me with creased foreheads. They band together. They form a protective circle. – Louise O’Neill: A word after a word is power

This is a brilliantly written essay about the power of female friendship. Louise O’Neill is one of the greatest writers of her generation. She’s not afraid to tackle difficult subjects like eat disorders, misogyny, sexual assault and rape culture but, more than that, she never talks down to her readers. Her writing is powerful and nuanced.

An Article About Black Women Shouldn’t Have To Come With A Warning Label

What is it that prevents people from seeing themselves in us? What is it that you see in us that so easily precludes this precious relatability? What do you think we so profoundly lack, that makes you shut down so comprehensively? So much so that something as innocuous as a make-up tutorial is enough for you to walk away wholesale? What makes our existence so extracurricular to yours? Why must our place as the norm be so hotly contested? Why should we hyphenate ourselves, introduce addendums, and signpost our presence? Why are we required to call ahead in the dark, to thwack the bushes, to make sure those who startle easy are aware of our coming? – An Article About Black Women Shouldn’t Have To Come With A Warning Label

An essay about pop culture and being black.

Here’s Some Solid Life Advice: Forget About Being ‘Likable’

So what I want to say to young girls is forget about likability. If you start thinking about being likable you are not going to tell your story honestly, because you are going to be so concerned with not offending, and that’s going to ruin your story, so forget about likability. – Here’s Some Solid Life Advice: Forget About Being ‘Likable’

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s speech may have been aimed at young girls, but there’s definitely something we can all learn from it.

The Difference Between Writing and Blogging

I’m trying very hard not to think so much about how my corner compares to others. I’m trying to tell myself that we all get something different from blogging, writing, sharing. It’s not easy, because some people get more out of this than others, but in cases like that I remind myself it’s not about physical rewards all the time, simply having someone say “Oh, I picked up that mascara you mentioned the other day – I love it!” ; that’s worth more to me than any number of glasses of bubbly or parcels in my front porch. Of course, at weaker moments, I’d be lying if I said that at times I didn’t feel jealous or left-out, or criticized myself based on  how “well” I perceived others to be doing. – The Difference Between Writing and Blogging

I’ve read this blog post more than a few times since it was published. At the time I was having one of those “where is my blog going moments” and Lisa’s words helped me realise that I too initially started my blog in order to write.

5 Things I Wish My Doctor Knew About Having An Invisible Illness

It’s possible to have both mental and physical health problems, but the existence or even suspicion of mental health concerns doesn’t eradicate the existence of physical health problems. The isolation alone of chronic illness can create depression, but that doesn’t alter the fact that, unless you are a psychiatrist, we are seeking treatment for our physical health problems, not looking for your opinion of our mental health. – 5 Things I Wish My Doctor Knew About Having An Invisible Illness

If you have a chronic illness then you will probably understand how frustrating dealing with doctors can get, especially if you have symptoms that carry across a few conditions and diagnosing the correct one is often a matter of trial and error.

Why I Claim Bisexuality

I claim bisexuality for visibility. In calling myself bisexual, I am visible for other bisexual youth who could be Googling in search of answers about their sexuality. I want the 14-year-olds of tomorrow to know they don’t have to deny themselves. – Why I Claim Bisexuality

I’ve always been open about my sexuality, even when I was no longer sure exactly what that was. I went through a particularly confusing time where I said and did some things I wouldn’t necessarily do or say again. I did learn from them, though. Bisexual became the word that made the most sense. For me that means being attracted to my own gender and other genders, wherever they fall on the spectrum. Visibility matters.

How Doctors Take Women’s Pain Less Seriously

Nationwide, men wait an average of 49 minutes before receiving an analgesic for acute abdominal pain. Women wait an average of 65 minutes for the same thing. Rachel waited somewhere between 90 minutes and two hours. – How Doctors Take Women’s Pain Less Seriously

While this is a US based article, it is a reminder of what in can be like to be woman facing a health issue.

Your Problem With Me Is Not *My* Problem

It’s a lie to say you won’t care what people think, but living as a version you think will be accepted is a far worse lie. That’s a lie you tell yourself. –Your Problem With Me Is Not *My* Problem

Saying that someone else’s problem with you is not your problem and actually understanding that someone else’s problem with you isn’t your problem are often two different things.

Here’s What No One Ever Tells You About Bisexuality

But that’s not how it works. If by “phase” we mean “the thing you were before you identified as gay,” then heterosexuality is a far more common phase than bisexuality. Still, bisexuality is stuck with a bad reputation. – Here’s What No One Ever Tells You About Bisexuality

There is lots of great stuff in this article about sexuality, coming out and finding a place in the LGBTQ+ community.

An Unbelievable Story of Rape

Recently, Marie was asked if she had considered not reporting the rape.

“No,” she said. She wanted to be honest. She wanted to remember everything she could. She wanted to help the police.

“So nobody else would get hurt,” she said. “They’d be out there searching for this person who had done this to me.” – An Unbelievable Story of Rape

This article is shocking, yet not entirely surprising. Is it any wonder that people don’t always report their rape or sexual assault to the police, when things like this can and have happened.

Marriage equality - the LGBTQ+ community, canvassing and voting yes

On Friday, May 22nd Irish people will vote on whether to extend civil marriage to same-sex couples. I hadn’t planned on writing a blog post this close to the referendum because, frankly, since the campaign officially began I’ve been too angry and wound up to write anything sensible. But having written two longer than usual Facebook updates recently, I decided to combine them and elaborate here.

Designed by Fiona Hanley (@GreenClouds4)

I have written about marriage equality on this blog, and others, before. Since then I have questioned my sexuality, realised I was bisexual and fallen in love.

Two months ago I was lucky enough to get married. I say lucky not just because I am happily married to the man I love, but because the option of marriage has never been open to me before as my previous long term relationships were with women.

Paul and I had a small civil ceremony in Dublin. We invited family and close friends, chose two songs and a reading, said our vows and signed our marriage certificate. The entire ceremony took less than 30 minutes. But they were a wonderfully moving 30 minutes. Making that commitment to each other and having it recognised was important.

I want everyone to be able to do the same, should they choose to. It’s why I’m voting yes. That’s what the marriage referendum is about; the ability of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBTQ+) people to marry the person they love.

I deliberately wrote lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender because this referendum matters to the entire LGBTQ+ community. Presumably decisions were made to focus on gay and lesbian people for the sake of simplicity during a tough campaign. Understandably, focus narrows at a crucial point, but it is important to recognise that this has left other members of the LGBTQ+ community feeling; at worst that their personal stories aren’t welcome and at best like an ally in a campaign that directly affects them.

Yet, we each find our own way(s) of dealing with those frustrations. We show up. We canvass. We do everything we can to see that marriage equality passes. We know how important it is.

I’ve spent the last few weeks canvassing in North Kerry. The place I made my home two years ago.

Last week alone saw a team of canvassers out six days in a row. That included a mix of door to door, street canvassing and the Yes Equality Bus in Tralee and Killarney. On three of those days some of us canvassed in the morning and the evening.

We’ve had a small team canvassing in Listowel. Six people in total, but we didn’t manage to get all of us out together so mostly there have been two or three people canvassing at a time.

The response on the doors has been overwhelmingly positive and for the most part the no voters have been nothing but polite. There was an incident when I put a leaflet through a letterbox only for the man in the house to walk out of his garden, crumple up the leaflet and throw it on the road. We were around the corner so he couldn’t see us, but we could see him. I have a feeling words may have been had if he spotted us.

At another house I was talking to three women, in their late 20s and early 30s, who decided to vote no as a result of the No campaign poster. I explained the existing situation with regards to fostering and adoption, the Child and Family Relationships Bill and that regardless of the outcome of the referendum the Government intends to introduce legislation around surrogacy. They asked questions. I listened and did my best to answer them. By the end of the exchange, two of them were definite yeses (they took leaflets and badges to share with other family members) and the other woman was undecided.

The street canvassing has been more of a mixed experience. The no voters have been more numerous and much more vocal.

I’ve had the word queer said within earshot of me a couple of times. It wasn’t directed at me, specifically, more along the lines of “what do the queers want now?” This is me showing some of my privilege, I know, but that was the first time I’ve personally heard queer used as a slur. I’ve had fag, dyke and a whole lot more thrown at me over the years but never queer. Despite it being a word I and many people I know regularly use to describe ourselves it stopped me in my tracks and reminded me why many LGBTQ+ people don’t want to reclaim it.

On Friday an elderly woman stopped to chat to me and another canvasser; she thanked us for what we were doing and said she 100% agreed with us. As she walked away I heard her muttering about immorality, which confused me. Ten minutes later she returned to inform us that she was voting no and had mistaken us for no canvassers, despite our badges, leaflets and me wearing a Yes Equality T-shirt. She placed her hand on my shoulder and proceeded to tell us that we may have our ways, but she was a Catholic and someone once explained how two men have sex and it made her ill. I wanted to tell her to fuck off, but I resisted.

A while later another woman told us we should watch back the debate on The Late Late Show and listen and learn from what the gay men who were against same-sex marriage were saying. She agreed with them and honestly thought we just hadn’t heard their point of view yet.

My most frustrating experience was a couple of months ago, when a man spotted my badge while I was in the supermarket and decided to strike up a conversation. He was supportive and full of praise for my decision to wear the badge. This changed when he saw my wedding ring. He went from being supportive to wondering why I cared about “the gays”.

So, I told him. I explained that being married doesn’t automatically make someone straight and he shouldn’t make assumptions about people. I know I could have told him that you don’t have to be gay to care about marriage equality, but the way his manner changed so quickly annoyed me and this was my way of venting. He left looking baffled and I have no idea how he intends to vote.

Do you know what, though? It’s the indifference more than the vocal no voters that I’m finding it hardest to deal with. I’ve reached the stage where I can canvass in the street no bother and I can drop leaflets through letterboxes, but I can’t stay calm when someone shows little interest in this referendum. It means too much (to me and so many people I know) for me not to take that shrug and sigh personally.

Thank you to everyone who is out canvassing and to the people who couldn’t knock on doors, but found other ways of asking their neighbours to vote yes, you all have my respect. But especially LGBTQ+ canvassers because it is your lives being discussed and it is you having to ask the people of this country to grant you the right to civil marriage. It can be humiliating, even when canvassing is positive, so thank you for having the courage to knock on doors. And to those LGBTQ+ people who don’t feel able to canvass, I completely understand that feeling too.

Denied an abortion - The questions that need answering

On Friday news broke that a suicidal woman delivered a baby by Caesarean section in her second trimester. She had been refused an abortion. It was reported that the panel of experts “determined the life of the mother and the child was not at risk from suicide”, but given the advanced nature of the pregnancy a decision was made to deliver the baby.

This case, which is believed to be one of the first under the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act, 2013, immediately led to questions being asked. If the panel had deemed the woman’s life to be at risk from suicide and given the advanced stage of the pregnancy it is likely a Caesarean section would have been the only possible outcome given the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution. But if the panel decided there was no risk from suicide why was the Caesarean section carried out?

As additional information became available, across various newspapers, some of which contradicted what had previously been reported it became apparent that (a) trying to explain this story without giving away too many indentifying and personal details would be almost impossible and (b) we may never know exactly what happened, especially at crucial times during this case (more on that later).

On Saturday, the Irish Independent follow-up to their initial story stated that the woman discovered she was pregnant at a late stage. An abortion was refused even though the two psychiatrists on the expert panel “believed that an abortion was justified on suicide grounds, notwithstanding the advanced gestation.” Her life was deemed to be at risk, but an abortion was no longer an option as the pregnancy was too far advanced.

The woman became even more distressed when she was informed that an early delivery rather than an abortion was to be administered. According to the article she began refusing food and liquids. In response the HSE sought a care order as they feared that the woman would starve herself.  In the end, however, she agreed to the early delivery before the care order was finalised.

The Sunday Times reported that the young woman, who is not an Irish citizen and has limited English, became pregnant as a result of rape and sought to have an abortion as soon as she discovered this at eight weeks.

We now have two versions of events. The first being that the woman only discovered she was pregnant late on. The second that the woman found out about her pregnancy at eight weeks and immediately sought an abortion. The woman claims that her request was delayed until it was too late. Her legal status meant that she was unable travel to the UK. A High Court order prohibits the full details of the woman’s circumstances being reported.

It was also reported that following the woman’s refusal of food and liquids the HSE “brought an emergency ex-parte High Court application on Saturday, August 2, seeking orders allowing it to forcibly hydrate the woman to protect her and the unborn baby’s life. It also sought declaratory orders allowing it to carry out certain medical procedures relating to the woman’s pregnancy.”

The hydration order was granted with subsequent reports saying that the order was not implemented because the woman agreed to the Caesarean section.

Over the next few days, the information given about the woman became more personal. She has not been named, but The Guardian published her age and the Irish Independent that she’s an asylum seeker. Could the story have been told without making these things public knowledge? I don’t know, but it seemed that every article had something new that could possibly make the woman identifiable.

In an interview with the young woman The Irish Times have named the agency that she was dealing with before being referred to hospital by a GP after a suicide attempt was interrupted.

While we have heard from the woman herself (although she has still not been named) it can’t have been easy for her to know that her ordeal was news. Did this play a part in her decision to tell her side of the story? Is going public with abortion stories the only way to get anything done in this country? Will any woman who has to rely on the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act have the details of her life, if not her name, reported in the media? There has to be a balance between cases that are in the public interest and the privacy of the people involved.

RTE is reporting that the expert panel made a certification under Section 9 of the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act that “a termination of pregnancy should take place, by way of Caesarean section.” In other words, the pregnancy was ended, they did their job as far as they’re concerned. The hospital and the consultants involved have not been named.

Bringing me back to the point about a c-section possibly being the only option, under the law, considering the pregnancy was in the second trimester. The guidelines that could answer this have yet to be officially published, although a draft copy was obtained by The Guardian. This is despite the fact that the law came into force eight months ago.

The HSE is to investigate the sequence of events in this case. This could be crucial in finding out what happened in the 12 weeks between discovering she was pregnant and coming to the attention of the HSE at 21-22 weeks. That the HSE assert she only came to their attention in the second trimester may be why the Irish Independent concluded that the woman only discovered her pregnancy late on.

What documents was she told would be arranged for her? Why was the issue of the cost of travelling not mentioned at an earlier stage? Why was it a GP that referred her to hospital and not the agency she had been attending? If the woman shared her suicidal ideation and attempts with this agency what did they do about it?

I hope this report fills in the 12 week gap between when the woman discovered she was pregnant and being examined by the expert panel. Further, that it clears up any inaccuracies. I would not be surprised to see our old friend “systems failures” deemed to have played its part in this case.

We now have a young woman who was already dealing with traumatic circumstances left even more traumatised by the way the State treated her. We have a premature baby who is expected to be taken into care and may face long term health issues as a result of being born at 24-26 weeks.

We have a nation saddened, angered and asking how and why this was allowed to happen, a nation seeking assurances that this doesn’t happen again.

We have said “never again”, far too often. And yet, here we are. Again. The more I think about Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale the less it seems a work of fiction, more a how-to manual.

It was our abortion law, rather than our lack of law, that caused the issue this time. We need to repeal the Eighth Amendment. It won’t be an easy task and it won’t solve the problem immediately, but it’s a good place to start. We need to decide on the type of abortion laws we actually want and need. We need to move forward.

Update – Wednesday, August 20th

Today it was revealed (here and here) that the young woman actually came to the attention of the HSE back in May. Two months earlier than had previously been reported.

What happened between being referred to “a HSE staff member” in late May and when she was examined by the expert panel? What kind of care, if any, did the vulnerable young woman receive during this time?

Will Crisis Pregnancy Agencies be given the protocols they now feel they need when dealing with suicidal pregnant women?

Minister for Health Leo Varadkar wants to read the HSE report before engaging with the case in a detailed way. That report is due at the end of September.

Savita Halappanavar - Miscarriage, abortion and the questions that still remain

When the news of Savita Halappanavar’s death broke on 14th November 2012, I immediately had questions. I wanted to know how and why this young woman died. We all did.

The answers, according to the findings from the on-going inquest, paint a picture of failure after failure. Letting the Halappanavar’s down and Savita ultimately paying for it with her life. These failures were both human and systemic. There was an unnecessary delay in reviewing all the information and test results, which meant they couldn’t possibly treat Savita correctly. Unfortunately, she never stood a chance.

In the aftermath of Savita’s death I couldn’t get past the thought that it could have been me. Or you. It could have been any woman. Am I confident that it won’t happen again? No and I’m sure I’m not the only one. Women all over the country, and their loved ones, now have something else to contend with when it comes to pregnancy. The question of whether they are receiving the best possible care and if something should go wrong will everything be done to help them get through it? I still do not know the answer to that, and it scares the hell out of me.

Had the X Case already been legislated for would it have saved Savita? Based on the litany of errors that were made throughout this case I would have to say that sadly it probably would not. By the time the doctors realised that her life, as opposed to her health, was in danger it was already too late. There was no hope.

Does this mean that the lack of X Case legislation played no part in Savita’s death? No, it does not. The fact that Savita was refused a termination when she requested one on the Tuesday, the third day of her ordeal, is down to our abortion laws (or lack of laws). This is evident in the fact that the consultant Dr Katherine Astbury, said it couldn’t be done as there was a foetal heartbeat and Savita’s life wasn’t at risk. We now know that Savita’s life was in danger. They just hadn’t realised it yet.

If a termination had been granted when Savita requested it would it have saved her life? It might have stopped the sepsis from taking hold but that is something we’ll never know for sure. What we do know is that a woman who was in the process of a prolonged and painful miscarriage asked for help, with ending the process sooner, and was refused. I’m not comfortable with nor proud of living in a country where this happens.

In trying to explain the reasons for the refusal to the distraught couple, the midwife manager Ann Maria Burke told them that a termination couldn’t be carried out because Ireland is a ‘Catholic country’. Ms. Burke confirmed this at the inquest, after Praveen Halappanavar had initially stated that it was the consultant who spoke those words. Ms. Burke expressed regret for her remarks and to his credit, in what is the latest in a long line of strong and dignified moments from Praveen, he accepted her apology.

It wasn’t simply one thing that led to the untimely death of Savita Halappanavar. There was mistake after mistake and yes, our abortion laws played a role. The extremes, on both sides, of the abortion debate would do well to acknowledge this. Instead of frantically spinning this tragic case to fit their agenda, and their agenda alone.

Back in November, after much consideration I concluded that I was in favour of legislating for the X Case. I could no longer consider myself to be on the pro-life side of this debate. By not supporting abortion on demand (which is a term I’m not a fan of, if anything it would be abortion on request) however, I found myself not fully in the pro-choice camp either. I was somewhere in the uncomfortable middle.

Johnny Fallon articulated some of my own struggles with the issue better than I could, in this Irish Independent article. I can understand where both sides are coming from, which in many ways can be a good thing. When it comes to the contentious issue of abortion though, it doesn’t do you any favours with either side. Anne-Marie Flynn also spoke about this in her piece, when she mentioned that when it comes to abortion ‘no-one can ever claim to be really right’.

I would now consider myself pro-choice and to be honest, I am more interested in exploring what that means than debating with the pro-life side. I have questions about term limits and funding but that is a piece for another time, not that I’ll ever have all the answers.

I don’t know what X Case legislation will look like when it comes. I suspect that in order for it to meet the requirements of ‘The State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as is practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right’, it will be something that neither side will be happy with. The pro-life side will deride it for bringing abortion into Ireland, while the pro-choice side will be adamant that it’s not even close enough.

What I do know is that it will do nothing for women who have been told their foetuses are not viable. Or women who find themselves pregnant as a result of rape. Or women who want an abortion for any number of other reasons. And so, the debate will never end.

My submission to the Constitutional Convention about marriage equality

There’s no denying that the introduction of the Civil Partnership and Certain Rights and Obligations of Cohabitants Act 2010 was a big moment in the fight for equality for members of Ireland’s LGBT community.

For the first time same-sex couples were able to have their relationships legally recognised by the State. However, it doesn’t go far enough. There are still over 160 differences between civil partnerships and civil marriage.

According to figures provided by the General Registrars Office 965 Civil Partnerships have taken place between April 2011, when they first became publicly available, and December 2012.

These figures don’t include the hundreds of couples who entered into legal marriages and civil partnerships abroad. They are automatically given Civil Partnership status by the Irish State.

These people made the decision to commit to each other long term and have that commitment witnessed by their friends and family. Is their commitment inferior to that entered into by heterosexual couples? The vast majority of people would say no, it’s not, but in the eyes of the State it is. It’s a step down, an almost marriage, and that isn’t good enough. This kind of inequality is wrong. It needs to be changed.

Same-sex couples deserve the same rights and protections that civil marriage affords heterosexual couples. They are citizens of this country too and must be treated as such.

But marriage is really all about what’s best for the children, is the argument you’ll hear from the opponents of marriage equality. There are two things to say in response to this.

Firstly, not all marriages result in children. Some couples choose not to have any, while other couples wish to but for various reasons cannot. Their marriages don’t become invalid as a result of this. Not all heterosexual couples who actually do have children choose to get married either. But the option is open to them should they want it. It is not open to same-sex couples.

Secondly, same-sex couples can and do become parents. How can those who claim to have the best interests of the child at heart not realise that treating same-sex parents differently to heterosexual parents isn’t in the best interests of the children in question?

How is telling a child that their parents, be that two mothers or two fathers, aren’t as good as other parents the right thing to do? It’s not, but by preventing same-sex couples marrying, should they wish to, this is exactly the kind of signal the State is sending to children.

We’re in almost territory again. Almost marriages. Almost proper parents. Almost being treated equally. It’s time the ‘almost’ stopped.

Ultimately, Ireland is on the cusp of giving the LGBT community the same freedom as their heterosexual counterparts. That is, the freedom to decide whether or not to choose civil marriage as a way of expressing love and commitment towards their partner. Don’t we all deserve that choice?

Opinion polls consistently show that Irish people would vote yes in a referendum to extend civil marriage to same-sex couples. The latest poll from Millward Brown, commissioned by Marriage Equality, puts the figure at 75%.

I, therefore, urge the Convention to vote in favour of amending the Constitution to allow couples to enter into civil marriage regardless of their sexuality.

Marriage equality

On Monday Kerry County Council became the 14th local authority, since July 2012, in Ireland (including Northern Ireland) to pass a motion in favour of marriage equality.

With the latest Millward Brown Lansdowne poll showing that 75% of people would vote yes in a referendum to extend civil marriage to same-sex couples it’s encouraging to see our local politicians back equality on this issue. Even if it is only a symbolic gesture.

Yes, there has been vocal opposition, by some councillors, to these motions but they have been shown time and time again to be within the minority.

The Programme for Government included a commitment to establish a Constitutional Convention to look at a wide range of topics including the provision of marriage for same sex couples.

The convention held its first full meeting in January and marriage equality is due to be discussed at the next session on April 13-14th.

Marriage equality has been making international headlines, in recent weeks, with key votes in France, Britain and the US state of Illinois.

The French National Assembly approved, by 249-97 votes, the redefinition of marriage as being between two people and not just between a man and a woman. This is the most important article of their bill to introduce marriage equality.

In Britain, the House of Commons passed a bill allowing for marriage equality, in England and Wales, by 400-175 votes. The next step is sending the bill to the House of Lords. But with the voting margin, of 225, in the Commons being so large it’s unlikely to fail at this stage.

Valentine’s Day saw the Illinois State Senate vote in favour of marriage for same-sex couples. They did so by 34-21 votes. A vote in the State House now awaits the bill.

Yes, by comparrision, Ireland seems to be dragging its heels by awaiting the outcome of the convention before moving to the legislative stage. But the convention is a step in that direction. And an important one.

That this is happening in the 20th anniversary year of the decriminalisation of homosexuality is not an insignificant fact. How many people thought we’d reach even this discussion stage in such a relatively short space of time?

Of course, the big test is seeing how the government will deal with the convention’s recommendations. And if that means a referendum then ensuring we actually get people out to vote. The dismal turnout of 33.5% for the Childrens Rights referendum shows that this is no easy task.

I don’t know about you but I, for one, am looking forward to the challenge.

Savita Halappanavar – sadness, anger, fear and confusion

Needing to attend a hospital because you are in pain is a worrying time. Being pregnant, no doubt, makes it all the scarier as it’s not just your own life you are concerned for.

Being told that you are having a miscarriage is heart breaking beyond belief. Being left, for three days, in pain with a fully dilated cervix and leaking amniotic fluid is nothing short of barbaric.

That this happened to Savita Halappanavar and she died of septicaemia makes my blood run cold.

Why wasn’t Savita put on antibiotics, as a precautionary measure, when they realised her cervix was dilated? When they discovered that she was leaking amniotic fluid and there was no hope of the pregnancy continuing why wasn’t it ended immediately? When it wasn’t over in a few hours, like the Halappanavar’s had been told it would, why did doctors not step in to stop Savita from having to suffer further?

The answers, based on what Praveen Halappanavar says the consultant told them on the three occasions that he and Savita asked for the pregnancy to be terminated, seem to be that, ‘As long as there is a foetal heartbeat we can’t do anything’, ‘It is the law’ and ‘this is Catholic country’.

Is that the case? Were the doctors genuinely not allowed to do anything? Is this how our medical and legal system works?

I am neither a doctor nor a lawyer, I do not know the answers to any of these questions. I hope to get them when all the inquiries into this case have concluded.

But I am a woman. A woman who believed that if a woman was miscarrying, and needed hospitalisation, then everything would be done to alleviate her suffering and ensure that the experience was the least traumatic it needed to be.

That this did not happen, for Savita, has left me sad, angry and full of fear. Sad because a woman has lost her life and her husband had to stand by, unable to do anything, as his wife deteriorated before his eyes. Angry that our politicans failure to legislate for the X Case may have caused this. Fearful because it could have been any of us.

Does the treatment a woman recieves in the event of a prolonged or incomplete miscarriage depend on the hospital they attend? Their doctor’s interpretation of how our constitution applies to the situation? Their doctor’s personal beliefs? And not to be insensitive, but, should we hope that if the situation ever arises we are all ‘uncomplicated’ enough to have complete miscarriages so none of these issues come up?

To be honest, until Savita’s death, it hadn’t occurred to me that our abortion law, or lack of a law, would apply to cases of miscarriage at all. I have never classed medical intervention in these situations as an abortion.

Yes, it is a termination but for the reason that the pregnancy is already coming to an end and I make no apology for seeing a difference between the two.

Words matter and the way we use ‘abortion’ automatically implies that it was a deliberate choice to end a pregnancy. That is not what a miscarriage is. It is the spontaneous ending of a pregnancy that, sadly, sometimes doesn’t complete itself and a Dilation and Curettage (D&C) or an evacuation of the retained products of conception (ERPC) is required.

Yes, Savita asked for her pregnancy to be ended but because she was already in the process of losing it. Does anyone think she would have done so otherwise?

If someone you know spoke about their miscarriage and the surgery they had would you use the word ‘abortion’ when talking about it with them? Would you describe their experience as an abortion to someone else? No? Then you, too, see a difference between an abortion and the ending of a miscarriage.

From speaking to friends, family and people I’ve met who have been touched by Savita’s death, it’s clear that I’m not the only one who made this distinction. The fact that we may have been wrong, to do so, has shocked us to the core.

There is a lot of confusion out there and it is this fear and confusion that propelled many of my friends and family to contact TDs and attend protest marches for the first time. Yes, they were angry but it was fear that made them act on their anger rather than simply shouting about it on Twitter and Facebook for a few days and then moving on to the next rage inducing incident. This one was different.

This could have been any woman. You, your mother, daughter, sister, cousin, niece, friend, girlfriend, wife or the woman you see every morning at the bus stop.

It was these feelings that led me to Leinster House for the vigil/protest last Wednesday evening. I needed a way of expressing my sympathy over Savita’s death. I needed the government to know that I wanted answers and action. I needed to be around people who felt the same way. I needed a way of showing that I cared enough to want things to change.

Personally, I was not there calling for abortion on demand or to use Savita’s death and the X Case as a stepping stone to reaching that goal. I was there to remind our legislators that we need legal clarification of our constitutional situation with regards to the X Case ruling from 20 years ago.

The rest is a fight for another day. A fight that I’m not particularly comfortable using Savita’s death to forward.

Abortion has always been a contentious issue. One that sees an extremely vocal and militant pro-life side argue with an extremely vocal and militant pro-choice side (and nine times out of ten it appears to be about what label they choose to call themselves by,) while a significant portion of the population are too afraid to say anything, one way or the other, because they know they’ll be shouted down by the extremes.

One thing I have seen since Savita’s death is that the people in the middle are finding their voice and looking for a way of being heard. This can only be a good thing and might finally lead to the mature, rational and calm debate that this country needs.

Yes, we need answers. We need the Expert Group’s report to be published. We need the government to act on its recommendations.

We need these things to happen sooner rather than later. We’ve waited long enough.